Impacts of Autonomous Education paper

Impacts of Autonomous Education in the Chiapas Community

Home to Mexico’s indigenous communities, Chiapas is one of the wealthiest Mexican states concerning the endowment of natural resources. Despite its richness, the indigenous groups living in the state are often marginalized and poverty-stricken (Shenker 432). The population lives in conditions of ill health, poverty, and isolation from the rest of the Mexican societies. As a result, illiteracy among the indigenous people of Chiapas has always been considered the highest in Mexico.  According to Vargas-Cetina, the school drop-out rate was especially higher among Chiapas communities than in other Mexican societies, which was a result of school programs that lacked relevance to parents and children of the indigenous Chiapas. They felt that what school taught about the nation and the world had little to nothing to do with them (149). They were interested in training that which was more liberating, creative, active, and autonomous, giving dignity preference over-commercialization of professional titles (Silva Montes 1). There was little commitment from teachers as they lived very far away from the schools. Also, linguistic problems stood out as another challenge for indigenous Chiapas, who had the urge for education.

A turn of events took place during the Zapatista uprising of 1994 that overturned the political opportunity structure of Chiapas and Mexico at large, giving indigenous groups some political identity. The opportunity presented a window for these communities to voice and instil autonomy in their way of life. This saw the establishment of autonomous schools in Chiapas that would champion Zapatistat’s political values by educating students on the value of cargo jobs system as well as preparing them to occupy positions of responsibility in the society. The autonomous schools have since their birth in 1996 succeeded in steering an appreciation of the relevance of education amongst the Chiapas community with research indicating an increasing rate of school attendance (Shenker, 440). The autonomous schools are built on a foundation of the hope of creating a new world through attaining freedom, justice, and democracy to achieve their autonomy. The aim of this autonomous education is to permit indigenous communities in Chiapas to learn about their culture in their language, translating to their liberation (Shenker 433). This paper seeks to explore the impact that this form of education has had on the Chiapas communities that undertake it, such as protection of their culture, values, rights, language, and independence as well as the promotion of sexual equality.

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Protection of the indigenous culture

Autonomous education has protected the indigenous culture. Most of the indigenous communities in Chiapas were forced to adopt the customs and beliefs of the missionaries after the conquest. It is one of the main reasons that they embrace and promote autonomous education.  Apart from traditional practices indigenous communities in Chiapas posses a wide range of spiritual beliefs entailing a mixture of Christianity that was introduced in the fifteenth century by the Spanish and worship of their gods such as the deity of the moon. These beliefs and traditions are passed down orally from one generation to another through stories and myths by elders in the community. As such, for any form of education to be acceptable to them it had to take into account the protection of these cultural beliefs and practices. It also had to let their children learn about their roots and traditions. With the government intending to build up a natioanl identity that would homogenize or eradicate all the existing traditions, practices and cultures children from these indigenous communities felt excluded from the Mexican educative spaces (Mateos Corte ́s and Dietz 29). Autonomous schools teach indigeneous culture as one of the subjects whereby students are taught about their community rituals and historical roots of their daily practices (Shenker 435). As such, these schools protect and promote the Tojolabal culture from two fronts. By actively enforcing community practices and by shielding them from external cultural influences that have littered most Mexican cities.

Autonomous education has protected indigenous values. The indigenous groups in Chiapas believe that there exist some elements of their values that are a threat to neoliberals and the rich, which must be protected. That is the traditional values that enable them to live, think, and work together in unity, making them stronger and allowing them to defend themselves. According to Shenker, through the school structure and teaching methodology, autonomous education has succeeded in protecting crucial Tojolabal values of equality, work, and reciprocity (436).

Autonomous education has protected the indigenous language. The Chiapas indigenous communities felt that they should not be continuously pushed in learning how to read and write in the Spanish language. Instead, they wanted to learn Tojolabal, which is the language of their ancestors. In autonomous schools, classes are primarily conducted in the Tojolabal language. In this way, these schools have succeeded in protecting this language as learning emphasizes writing and reading Tojolabal (Shenker 437).  The focus is on ensuring that after learning, the students can be able to participate and dialogue for the entire community.

Autonomous education has protected the rights of the indigenous communities. For a long time, people from indigenous societies in Chiapas have faced oppression from the government that ought to be protecting them. The same government operatives have silenced any attempt to defeat these oppressions. As such, they feel that the only hope that they have of liberating themselves lies in educating their children so that they can be the next generation of the Zapatista movement that will defend their rights from neoliberals who tramp on their history. According to Shenker, autonomous education has raised a political conscience among the students and strengthened their confidence in protecting their rights (438). Discussions on economic, legal, historical, and political issues that are encouraged at the schools are to be credited for the growing conscience and increased confidence to champion for the rights of the indigenous people. When asked about the difference between autonomous education and the government education notes that one student of the Zapatista system said that “The (Zapatista teachers) here are nice and they teach us the meaning of resistance, they are not like the teachers in the government schools,” (Brown 2). Learning to resist is one way in which the indigenous communities ensures that their rights are not infringed on.

Autonomous education has promoted sexual equality. Gender equality is deeply embedded in the cultures of indigenous groups in Chiapas. The belief is that women like men have an equal right to education a balance that the government education system overlooked (Shenker, 438). To avoid this gap from persisting among their children, indigenous people adopt autonomous learning to give all an equal opportunity in life. This is contrary to the belief of many indigenous communities around the world who believe that girls should not be educated. Autonomous schools have succeeded in promoting sexual equality by attracting the majority of girls in school and teaching them at the same level and manner as boys (Shenker 438). Results of this practice have been portrayed by the increase in the number of women who now occupy positions of responsibility in society. The chance to learn grants the girls more excellent opportunities and confidence as they advance to become women. However, this equality does not take away the conventional roles of Zapatista women which entails overseeing the home and their children as well as making tortillas with men retaining most of the cargo positions of responsibility in the community.

Autonomous education has strengthened the independence of communities from external organizations. Since 1996 Zapatistas have been rejecting all projects initiated by the government in their locale. The grounds for the rejection have been that the government does not offer them what they need, and that is a life with dignity (Shenker 439). As a result of this rejection, most of these areas’ development projects are initiated by civil society organizations. Their quest for self-sufficiency and autonomy, however, encourages them to command control over the aid. Autonomous schools have become the springboard for Zapatistas independence from the influence of external organizations. Yet, even as they seek autonomy and self-sufficiency, Zapastians have consistently embraced foreign organizations and individuals as agents of promoting their principles to the rest of the world.

Autonomous education has maintained the Tojolabals’ rural context. The way of life the most of the Tojolabals in Chiapa puts land central to their existence. Their rural routine spares part of the time to attend to the ground. With the bilingual government system of education they felt that it did not coincide with the beliefs, activities and routines surrounding their typical rural life. They accused the bilingual education calendar and timetable of neglecting the needs of the land. With the autonomous schools, junior students would school from Monday to Wednesday and the rest of the week would be spent at home or working on the land. Alternatively, the school would run for fifteen days and then students would spend the other fifteen days on a break with their communities. Shenker, observes that unlike in government schools these are not holidays but a change in activity as students get to work with their families(438). The subjects that are also taught in these autonomous schools reflects the needs of the land, thereby resonating with their rural desires for autonomy. This way, autonomous education has succeeded in maintaining the indigenous people’s rural context

The Philosophy of Zapatistas

The structured transmission of knowledge and values has always been a critical political issue both on a local and a global purview. It is on this ground of passing down knowledge from one generation to another that Zapatistas use as a springboard for its philosophy of autonomy and resistance against the forces of globalization. Zapatistas believes in autonomy and self-sufficiency and openly oppose what it views as the brutalities of globalization. They articulate a process of social transformation involving autonomization with which their cultures and languages ground indigenous communities. In their world, indigenous linguistic practices and pieces of knowledge coexist and continuously engages in dialogue with life forms that harbor different philosophical backgrounds (Rabasa 138). This paper seeks to examine the autonomy philosophy of Zapatistas in the face of universal modernization and globalization.

Until the 90s, the Zapatistas were seen as people whose concerns were just local universes of social relations and life in their communities. In 1994 the Zapatistas uprising gave another different political identity to Zapatistas in Chiapas and the entire Mexican political arena. Through the rebellion, Zapatistas expressed their grievances throughout the country, calling it an end to the oppression they had been subjected to by those on authority. One of the complaints that stood out the most in what was recognized as the ‘First Declaration of the Lacando ́n Jungle’ was a consistent denial of education to the indigenous population. The allegation had been fuelled by their need for an education that was relevant to their unique concerns (Vargas-Cetina 138). The government had in multiple times failed to implement different education models in these rural areas since the 1910 revolution, but none had enjoyed success. However, the Zapatistas were aware of their right to education as enshrined in the Mexican constitution. Still, the government had failed to provide them with what they needed most-education that upheld their cultural and historical dignity.

The Department of public education had consistently promoted and implemented its first director’s Jose ́ Vasconcelos philosophy of an integrationist education ideology (Shenker, 432). The underlying government policy had all along been to initiate a bilingual education programme with the stature to recognize and embrace linguistic and cultural diversity. It had envisaged a programme in which both the students from the indigenous communities and their Spanish counterparts would be granted equal importance and the lessons being taught in a mixture of the two languages (Shenker, 434). It was not, however, the case as in the first place lessons were conducted solely in Spanish posing a linguistic challenge to the students of indigenous origin. Secondly, the students from the Indigenous communities were not granted equal importance as promised with their teachers displaying little to no commitment to teaching owing to the high rate of their absenteeism from school (Shenker, 436). An explanation for this absenteeism and non-commitment was often given as the fact that the teachers resided far away from the rural areas they had been assigned to teach. These among others were the points of contention during the Zapatistas revolt.

The Zapatistas felt that bilingual education had little to no concern about their social needs as it seeks to promote foreign culture and discourses. The indigenous communities were, however, interested in the form of learning that did not disregard their history, culture and their way of life as they had learned them from their ancestors. In revolt, the Zapatista movement demanded to be let to establish its autonomous system of education. Zapatista’s philosophy all along has been one that is against binary systems. Binary systems, with respect to having and not having a history. According to Rabasa many of the indigenous communities suffered from a ‘Europe and its others’ syndrome a cultural malaise that infects them only to render them as lacking history at the end of it all (Rabasa 139). this was followed by the birth of Zapatistas schools, which were institutions of learning that conducted lessons in the local dialect and taught the historical roots of the cultural practices and way of life of the indigenous communities. It was opposed to globalization that meant an onslaught on local cultures and practices

The Zapatista movement comes out as repulsive force against economic globalization. The movement has used global communication channels like international press and the internet to encourage the revitalization of local discourses. These calls appear to be going against global trends that do not promote autonomy. A universal point of view would challenge this kind of independence that insists on the right that local culture has towards taking advantage of global resources and culture to further its educational interests. The type of autonomy that Zapatista believes in is one that emphasizes on the homogenizing forces of neoliberalism and globalization. It has been defined as an attempt to resist oppression by obtaining cultural, economic and political self-determination (Shenker). Apart from the autonomous education system for the indigenous junior and senior students, Zapatistas have also been developing autonomous juridical, defence, communications, health and production methods. However, education is the driving force for Zapatista’s autonomy locally and beyond borders.

Education, which is not only a Zapatista demand but also a generalized concern for indigenous peoples in Chiapas, is one of the critical local issues being articulated both within and against global culture (Vargas-Cetina 147). The Zapatistas believed that by establishing an academic system that offered communities indigenous education, it would assist them in maintaining their lifestyle while at the same time making them competitive enough to take up opportunities in different spheres of life in the society. The autonomous education that Zapatistas stood for is one that focused on preserving indigenous cultures and not weakening or dissolving them. The training also had to emphasize the acquisition of skills and knowledge relevant to the everyday life of indigenous communities more so in terms of compatibility with their rural context (Vargas-Cetina 151). The autonomous system had to make primary indigenous culture and agriculture in its curriculum.

The autonomous schools are guided by the Zapatista emphasis of hope of attaining freedom, justice and democracy to create a new world on a foundation of communities’ autonomy. Vargas-Cetina observes that the Zapatista camp is aware of the need for reforms in indigenous education. However, they can never accept a government education system that would ultimately take off indigenous knowledge and snatching them an opportunity to appreciate native cultures. Away from what many may think of Zapatista, it is not a tribalist movement. But a group that is aware that it is to participate fully in the global society, however, the global community should not be permitted to destroy the indigenous peoples’ ways of life and cultural identity (156). In this new movement, locals tend to appropriate the global language of a civil action, ethnicity and locality; however, they are keen enough not to lose sight of their cultural specificity and diversity.

To preserve the dignity of the indigenous population, Zapatista has utilized autonomous education to train generations in the practice of self-government and autonomy. These schools are anti-capitalist in the nature that they are never governed by market rules which give students titles to earn money from; trade is eliminated from the equation as nobody is charged for learning and nobody is paid for teaching. The autonomous education has nothing to do with the government as every town has the freedom to determine and develop their curriculum. Zapatista education aspires for a society where knowledge doesn’t imply any social hierarchy and where young people are supportive and serve their communities diligently, unlike the trend with globalization whereby entrepreneurial mentality is promoted. Zapatista education is entirely against the homogenization and bureaucratization of capitalism. According to Silva Montes, the transmission of social knowledge and culture needs to be more liberating, creative, and autonomous upholding the dignity of the people more than commercializing of professional titles. Such education must not be in promotion of individualist and entrepreneurial ideology of human factor as the one solution to universal problems (104). Zapatista education was on the contrary built from communities in an attempt to liberate themselves from the four wheels of capitalism, namely contempt, repression, dispossession and exploitation.

Zapatista education was started as a political tact to raise the indigenous population’s consciences for food sufficiency, economic independence, care for their territories gender equality, difference and above all the need for self-governance. Zapatista is a critical pedagogy that has pinpointed the political problem of education. An ideology underlying teaching processes where the school is viewed as a space for resistance and the route for indigenous generation to state power (Silva Montes 105). It is the kind of education offering a perception of pedagogical self-management, meaning that students are granted the liberty of deciding the methods of learning they feel best.

The 1910 resolution to promote an inclusive and sovereign national development in Mexico appeared to be a good idea. In rural areas, teachers would teach practical agricultural knowledge and also made attempts to solve various community problems (Silva Montes 106). Some of the lessons that were taught at the time include dance, physical education, popular songs and tannery. Teachers then appeared honest, professional and displayed a commitment to a national education that was built on the idea that “the land belongs to those who work it” (Silva Montes 106). Unfortunately,  José Vasconcelos the then director for a government department of education promoted cultural missions concealed under calls for civilization by integrating the indigenous society something that would deprive them their cultural identity.

As for the indigenous population getting out of the discrimination and oppression that they were subjected to in Mexico, establishing self-government was the only answer. As such, Zapatist education aims to be a schooling model with a political pedagogy for non-commercial learning, autonomy, civic education to build community power and enduring peace (Silva Montes 107). To attain this requires that the contents to be taught to come from the community itself. The Zapatista offers an alternative of free education in defence of the cultures of the marginalized communities as was as for the equality of their women. The alternative is the exact opposite of the popular structured form of education that seeks to produce individualistic and obedient people, the capitalist ideology of economic, cultural, technological and scientific dependence (Silva Montes 107).

The Zapatista schools that even recognizes itself as the real education takes up a new sphere similar to Freire’s philosophy with its power transforming perspective, political teaching nature, the liberation of oppressors, and humanization. Silva Montes describes it as an “education for praxis, with linguistic and cultural heterogeneity, with critical and radical pedagogy.” (107)

(Silva Montes 107). An education of collective participation that establishes shared responsibility and bonds of solidarity amongst the indigenous population. The nature of the curriculum is that the community dictates it by gathering knowledge from the elderly and must concur with the 1994 demands during the Zapatist rebellion. In collaboration with external advisers promoters of this type of education prepare the teaching material in the form of books, guides and stories.

These schools are to provide emancipation and resistance spaces for the indigenous people in each of the autonomous municipality based on common sense, the pedagogical postulates of praxis. Education there entails constant construction replacing the globalization trend of teaching model of study programs. It is from this ground that the schools derive their name ‘autonomous’ as their development is free from colonialist behaviour and values. The paradigm shift entails enhancing family participation in the rescuing of traditional historical memory of the indigenous people.

With children being exposed to social mobilization, public assemblies and events in their daily lives the Zapatista schools are as deprived the burden of being perceived as the significant political socialization instance for them (Silva Montes 107). Unlike in the other form of structured learning where classroom relationship is authoritarian in Zapatista schools, the link is horizontal and active. The teaching is theoretical-practical in that it combines community work with school activities. It is also non-commercial as it is not informed with the issuance of titles to suit the labour market and nobody pays or is paid to participate in teaching and learning; everything is voluntary (Silva Montes 107). As for Zapatism school autonomy begins with educational, ideological and economic independence from the government.

The main aim of the Zapatist schools is to give students an understanding of how it perceives the world, its culture and history and does not train for work. Silva Montes notes that the urge is in teaching both indigenous and non-indigenous students to be of help to their communities by strengthening their foundation of cultural, social, economic and political autonomy (108).  The education’s content is around the fulfilment the demands from the 1994 rebellion of peace, culture, justice, freedom, democracy, independence, education, work, land, roof and health (Silva Montes 108). The schools’ motto ‘ That there be a real education and that it be for all’ portrays a philosophy in support of the freedom to education for every child in an environment without abuse (Silva Montes 109). The main interest and focus of the school are to serve the people in the exact way that capitalism subjects them to a hierarchical form of education. Here exams and certificates are not issued as it is a non-differentiating education form. Also, Zapatista school is at the front-line in fighting the marginalization of girls by assisting them in equaling an equal opportunity to education as their male counterparts (Silva Montes 109).

The wellbeing of promoters of this education depends on the community’s goodwill which provides them with clothes and food while during holidays they work in their relative’s plots. It is a genuine implication of Zapatista’s commitment to disseminating its economic, social and political project seeking self-government and autonomy. In other words, the notion is that they do not engage in work with the capitalistic purview of economic remuneration but rather to uphold their dignity. As Silva Montes points out, personal dignity was buried when the priest, poet, jurist and doctor were all converted to wage-earners by capitalism (110). In achieving autonomy, Zapatism envisages a new way of resisting authoritarian rule and of doing their politics without being dependent on the political class and its political parties with an appreciation of diversity which gives in to no amount of hegemony; and instead favouring self-determination and self-management (Silva Montes 111). They resisted being colonies of the landowners and disregarded for being indigenous. In their self-government, these indigenous communities are under the guidance of the commandment of obedience. Obedience not in the view of capitalism where the authority commands and the subjects are expected to obey but rather the opposite. In the Zapatista indigenous communities, the authority obeys the peoples’ command and receives no form of payment for governing. Leadership posts are elected by assemblies and are rotative. According to Silva Montes the Zapatista indigenous movement is only in demand for the respect for their culture, recognition of their form of self-government, ownership of their territories and natural resources, state transformation, and more importantly the collective rights for their people (111).

The philosophy is in banking in the form of autonomous education to pave the way for direct democracy and a new way of doing politics. Silva Montes notes that in three ways, Zapatista education differs from market globalization in that it is public, free, and incurs no costs from either side of knowledge transmission spectrum (111). Unlike the neoliberal government’s discourse that that banks on quality education as the cure-it-all tablet for all problems Zapatistas experience education in a very different way. To them, it is a part of its ideological, cultural, economic, and political resistance. They use autonomous education as a springboard to a strong identity, self-management, and self-government, which are elements of their autonomous philosophy (Silva Montes 111). It is a resistance movement against educational policies that embrace neoliberal globalization.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the Zapatista school seems to be an education for the non-existent as it goes against the current global hegemonic thought. For instance, the belief that transforming the society doe not necessarily require having the formal power of the government and that a government can be built without ‘professional’ politicians who receive no pay for their roles. However, the Zapatista idea seems to be clear that it aims to eliminate the gap that exists between those who rule and those who are expected to obey to attain self-management.

Works Cited

Gabriela Vargas-Cetina. Uniting In Difference: The Movement For A New Indigenous Education In The State Of Chiapas, Mexico, Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural Systems and World Economic Development, Vol. 27, No. 2, Local Expressions of Global Culture (SUMMER, 1998), pp. 135-164. Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40553339.

Dr César Silva Montes. The Zapatist school: educating for autonomy and emancipation, Alteridad, 14

(1), 103-114. https://doi.org/10.17163.alt.v14n1.2019.09.

Sarah Dee Shenker. Towards a world in which many worlds fit? Zapatista autonomous education as an alternative means of development, International Journal of Educational Development. 32 (2012) 432–443. doi:10.1016/j.ijedudev.2011.10.001.

Brown Peter. Zapatista Schools Teach Peace in a World at War. Peace and Freedom; Philadelphia  Vol. 62, Iss. 1,  (Winter 2002): 12.

Laura Selene Mateos Corte ́s and Gunther Dietz. Local resignifications of transnational discourses in intercultural higher education: The case of the Universidad Veracruzana Intercultural in Mexico.Arts & Humanities in Higher Education. 2017, Vol. 16(1) 28–50, DOI: 10.1177/1474022216633679.

Rabasa, Jose. Without History: Subaltern Studies, the Zapatista Insurgency, and the Specter of History, University of Pittsburgh

Press, 2010. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/csla/detail.action?docID=2039348.

 

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